Ethnohistoric documents from sixteenth-century Mexico suggesting that weaving and cooking were the most common productive activities for Aztec women may lead modern historians to underestimate the value of women's contributions to Aztec society. Since weaving and cooking occurred mostly (but not entirely) in a domestic setting, modern historians are likely to apply to the Aztec culture the modern Western distinction between "private" and "public" production. Thus, the ethnohistoric record conspires with Western culture to foster the view that women's production was not central to the demographic, economic, and political structures in sixteenth-century Mexico.
A closer examination of Aztec culture indicates that treating Aztec women's production in Mexico in such a manner would be a mistake. Even if the products of women's labor did not circulate beyond the household, such products were essential to population growth. Researchers document a tenfold increase in the population of the valley of Mexico during the previous four centuries, an increase that was crucial to the developing Aztec political economy. Population growth--which could not have occurred in the absence of successful household economy, in which women's work was essential--made possible the large-scale development of labor-intensive chinampa (ridged-field) agriculture in the southern valley of Mexico which, in turn, supported urbanization and political centralization in the Aztec capital.
But the products of women's labor did in fact circulate beyond the household. Aztec women wove cloth, and cloth circulated through the market system, the tribute system, and the redistributive economy of the palaces. Cotton mantles served as a unit of currency in the regional market system. Quantities of woven mantles, loincloths, blouses, and skirts were paid as tribute to local lords and to imperial tax stewards and were distributed to ritual and administrative personnel, craft specialists, warriors, and other faithful servants of the state. In addition, woven articles of clothing served as markers of social status and clothing fulfilled a symbolic function in political negotiation. The cloth that was the product of women's work thus was crucial as a primary means of organizing the flow of goods and services that sustained the Aztec state.
Which of the following best describes the function of the third paragraph of the passage?
It attempts to reconcile conflicting views presented in the previous paragraphs.
It presents evidence intended to undermine the argument presented in the second paragraph.
It provides examples that support the position taken in the first sentence of the second paragraph.
It describes the contents of the documents mentioned in the first paragraph.
It suggests that a distinction noted in the first paragraph is valid.
题目分析:
题目释义:
细节题目
考点:
逻辑结构(Logical structure)
旨在考察我们对文章结构的认知,以及对作者行文目的的判断。
定位在文章的第三段,从第三段的第一句话就可以看出,这段在加强前面的论点,第二段说的是“就算是只在家庭范围”,第三段开头就点明,“何况不仅限于家庭范围”
选项分析:
A选项:它试图调和前面段落的争论之处。通篇文章都没有争论之处,只是作者对于现代历史学家的误解提出质疑并解释。
B选项:它提出了试图削弱第二段提出的论点的证据。第三段其实恰恰是对第二段开头句这个论点的一个加强,没有提出削弱的证据。
C选项:Correct. 它提出了支持第二段第一句的例子。在“考点”中已经做了解释,此处不再赘述。
D选项:它描述了第一段提出的档案的内容。第一段的档案只在第一段作为引入提出过一次,此后作者都没有对该档案继续做出评价。
E选项:它提出在第一段标明的区别是有根据的。其实作者通篇想说的是西方的“distinction”是不应该用在阿兹特克女性身上的。所以第三段也就不可能是这个选项说的作用。
注意C是说支持第二段the position taken in the first sentence ,而不是支持第二段的全部内容,第三张实际上是对第二段的一个扩充,打破了第二段女性的工作没有超出household的这一假设
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