Traditional social science models of class groups in the United States are based on economic status and assume that women's economic status derives from association with men, typically fathers or husbands, and that women therefore have more compelling common interest with men of their own economic class than with women outside it. Some feminist social scientists, by contrast, have argued that the basic division in American society is instead based on gender, and that the total female population, regardless of economic status, constitutes a distinct class. Social historian Mary Ryan, for example, has argued that in early-nineteenth-century America the identical legal status of working-class and middle-class free women outweighed the differences between women of these two classes: married women, regardless of their family's wealth, did essentially the same unpaid domestic work, and none could own property or vote. Recently, though, other feminist analysts have questioned this model, examining ways in which the condition of working-class women differs from that of middle-class women as well as from that of working-class men. Ann Oakley notes, for example, that the gap between women of different economic classes widened in the late nineteenth century: most working-class women, who performed wage labor outside the home, were excluded from the emerging middle-class ideal of femininity centered around domesticity and volunteerism.


Which of the following statements best characterizes the relationship between traditional social science models of class and Ryan's model, as described in the passage?


Ryan's model differs from the traditional model by making gender, rather than economic status, the determinant of women's class status.

The traditional social science model of class differs from Ryan's in its assumption that women are financially dependent on men.

Ryan's model of class and the traditional social science model both assume that women work, either within the home or for pay.

The traditional social science model of class differs from Ryan's in that each model focuses on a different period of American history.

Both Ryan's model of class and the traditional model consider multiple factors, including wealth, marital status, and enfranchisement, in determining women's status.

考题讲解

题目分析:

题目释义:

细节题目

考点:

支持主题(Supporting ideas)
旨在考察我们对文章细节的认知

从题设上定位于关键词“Ryan”和“traditional”出现的文章中间部分和第一句。内容较为简单,比较容易作答。



选项分析:

A选项:Correct. Ryan的模型与传统的不同在于认为性别,而不是经济地位,决定了女性的阶层地位。这个选项必须要定位到Ryan出现的前面“is instead based on gender, and that the total female population, regardless of economic status, constitutes a distinct class.  Social historian Mary Ryan, for example,”Ryan的观点是早期社会学家观点的一个例子,所以Ryan肯定也是认为性别决定阶层地位的。

B选项:传统观点模型和Ryan的不同之处在于其假设女性的经济是依靠男人的。传统观点确实假设了女性的经济是依靠男人的,但是早期的社会学家并没有反驳这个观点,而是从性别上给予出了另外的解读。

C选项: Ryan的模型和传统模型都假设了女性的工作,要么在家中,要么为了赚钱。定位在“, did essentially the same unpaid domestic work”这小段话出现在Ryan的例子中,说明Ryan没有假设女性要么在家要么赚钱。

D选项:
 Ryan的模型和传统模型都假设了女性的工作,要么在家中,要么为了赚钱。定位在“, did essentially the same unpaid domestic work”这小段话出现在Ryan的例子中,说明Ryan没有假设女性要么在家要么赚钱。

E选项:
Ryan的模型和传统模型都考虑到了决定女性阶层的许多因素,包括财富,婚姻状况,和选举权的授予。从文中来看,这个选项所说的这些因素Ryan的模型都有提到,但是没有证据显示传统观点也考虑到了这些因素。

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Prep2008E1-RC