By the sixteenth century, the Incas of South America ruled an empire that extended along the Pacific coast andAndean highlands from what is now Ecuador to central Chile. While most of the Incas were self-sufficient agriculturists, the inhabitants of the highland basins above 9,000 feet were constrained by the kinds of crops they could cultivate. Whereas 95 percent of the principal Andean food crops can be cultivated below 3,000 feet, only 20 percent reproduce readily above 9,000 feet. Given this unequal resource distribution, highland Incas needed access to the products of lower, warmer climatic zones in order to enlarge the variety and quantity of their foodstuffs. In most of the preindustrial world, the problem of different resource distribution was resolved by long-distance trade networks over which the end consumer exercised little control. Although the peoples of the Andean highlands participated in such networks, they relied primarily on the maintenance of autonomous production forces in as many ecological zones as possible. The commodities produced in these zones were extracted, processed, and transported entirely by members of a single group.
This strategy of direct access to a maximum number of ecological zones by a single group is called vertical economy. Even today, one can see Andean communities maintaining use rights simultaneously to pasturelands above 12,000 feet, to potato fields in basins over 9,000 feet, and to plots of warm-land crops in regions below 6,000 feet. This strategy has two principal variations. The first is "compressed verticality," in which a single village resides in a location that permits easy access to closely located ecological zones. Different crop zones or pasturelands are located within a few days walk of the parent community. Community members may reside temporarily in one of the lower zones to manage the extraction of products unavailable in the homeland. In the second variation, called the "vertical archipelago," the village exploits resources in widely dispersed locations, constituting a series of independent production "islands." In certain pre-Columbian Inca societies, groups were sent from the home territory to establish permanent satellite communities or colonies in distant tropical forests or coastal locations. There the colonists grew crops and extracted products for their own use and for transshipment back to their high-altitude compatriots. In contrast to the compressed verticality system, in this system, commodities rather than people circulated through the archipelago.
The passage suggests that for an Andean highland village attempting to resolve the problem of unequal resource distribution, the strategy known as compressed verticality would probably be inappropriate for which of the following situations?
The village's location is such that it is difficult for the village to participate in long-distance trade networks.
The village does not have the resources to establish permanent satellite communities in production zones beyond the home community.
The warm-land crop regions nearest to the village are all below 6,000 feet.
The location of the village does not provide ready access to an adequate variety of ecological zones.
The nearest crop production zones are located below the village, while the nearest pasturelands are located above the village.
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正确答案是 D。
因为文章表明压缩垂直经济策略要求有一个位置可以方便地访问多个生态区。这里选项D表明村庄的位置不能提供足够的生态环境,这与压缩垂直经济策略的要求不符。其他的选项都和文中讨论的压缩垂直经济策略没有关系,所以它们都不是正确的答案。
The first is "compressed verticality," in which a single village resides in a location that permits easy access to closely located ecological zones. Different crop zones or pasturelands are located within a few days walk of the parent community. Community members may reside temporarily in one of the lower zones to manage the extraction of products unavailable in the homeland.
A 讨论第一段内容,无关
B 没有资源建立永久satellite,所以适用第一种模式
C 距离近,环境好,所以适用第一种模式
D 距离远,所以不适用第一种模式
E 距离近就存在生态圈,适用第一种模式
文中提到了两种方案,应该集中看题目问的那种的解释,不要想着另外一种