Two modes of argumentation have been used on behalf of women's emancipation in Western societies. Arguments in what could be called the"relational"feminist tradition maintain the doctrine of"equality in difference"or equity as distinct from equality. They posit that biological distinctions between the sexes result in a necessary sexual division of labor in the family and throughout society and that women's pro-creative labor is currently undervalued by society, to the disadvantage of women. By contrast, the individualist feminist tradition emphasizes individual human rights and celebrates women's quest for personal autonomy, while downplaying the importance of gender roles and minimizing discussion of childbearing and its attendant responsibilities.
Before the late nineteenth century, these views coexisted within the feminist movement, often within the writings of the same individual. Between 1890 and 1920, however, relational feminism, which had been the dominant strain in feminist thought, and which still predominates among European and non Western feminists, lost ground in England and the United States. Because the concept of individual rights was already well established in the Anglo-Saxon legal and political tradition, individualist feminism came to predominate in English-speaking countries. At the same time, the goals of the two approaches began to seem increasingly irreconcilable. Individualist feminists began to advocate a totally gender-blind system with equal rights for a11. Relational feminists, while agreeing that equal educational and economic opportunities outside the home should be available for a11 women, continued to emphasize women's special contributions to society as homemakers and mothers;they demanded special treatment for women, including protective legislation for women workers, state-sponsored maternity benefits, and paid compensation for housework.
Relational arguments have a major pitfall:because they underline women's physiological and psychological distinctiveness, they are often appropriated by political adversaries and used to endorse male privilege. But the individualist approach, by attacking gender roles, denying the significance of physiological difference, and condemning existing familial institutions as hopelessly patriarchal, has often simply treated as irrelevant the family roles important to many women. If the individualist framework, with its claim for women's autonomy, could be harmonized with the family-oriented concerns of relational feminists, a more fruitful model for contemporary feminist politics could emerge.
The author implies that which of the following was true of most feminist thinkers in England and the United States after 1920?
They were less concerned with politics than with intellectual issues.
They began to reach a broader audience and their programs began to be adopted by mainstream political parties.
They called repeatedly for international cooperation among women's groups to achieve their goals.
They moderated their initial criticism of the economic systems that characterized their societies.
They did not attempt to unite the two different feminist approaches in their thought.
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正确答案是E。因为题目中问的是 1920 后英美主流女权主义思想家,文中指出从 1890 到 1920 这段时间,relational feminism 在英美的主流思想里受到压制,individualist feminism 便成为了英美主流女权主义思想的所接受的观念,而 individualist 和 relational 两种女权主义的观念开始变得不可调和,并没有尝试将这两种不同的女权主义方法联系起来,所以正确答案是E。
答案的相关性不是很明显,只能排除。前四项没有在文中明确提及,只有5项对应文中increasing irrconcilable.