Colonial historian David Allen's intensive study of five communities in seventeenth-century Massachusetts is a model of meticulous scholarship on the detailed microcosmic level, and is convincing up to a point. Allen suggests that much more coherence and direct continuity existed between English and colonial agricultural practices and administrative organization than other historians have suggested. However, he overstates his case with the declaration that he has proved "the remarkable extent to which diversity in New England local institutions was directly imitative of regional differences in the mother country."
Such an assertion ignores critical differences between seventeenth-century England and New England. First, England was overcrowded and land-hungry; New England was sparsely populated and labor-hungry. Second, England suffered the normal European rate of mortality; New England, especially in the first generation of English colonists, was virtually free from infectious diseases. Third, England had an all-embracing state church; in New England membership in a church was restricted to the elect. Fourth, a high proportion of English villagers lived under paternalistic resident squires; no such class existed in New England. By narrowing his focus to village institutions and ignoring these critical differences, which studies by Greven, Demos, and Lockridge have shown to be so important, Allen has created a somewhat distorted picture of reality.
Allen's work is a rather extreme example of the "country community" school of seventeenth-century English history whose intemperate excesses in removing all national issues from the history of that period have been exposed by Professor Clive Holmes. What conclusion can be drawn, for example, from Allen's discovery that Puritan clergy who had come to the colonies from East Anglia were one-third to one-half as likely to return to England by 1660 as were Puritan ministers from western and northern England? We are not told in what way, if at all, this discovery illuminates historical understanding. Studies of local history have enormously expanded our horizons, but it is a mistake for their authors to conclude that village institutions are all that mattered, simply because their functions are all that the records of village institutions reveal.
According to the passage, which of the following was true of most villages in seventeenth-century England?
The resident squire had significant authority.
Church members were selected on the basis of their social status within the community.
Low population density restricted agricultural and economic growth.
There was little diversity in local institutions from one region to another.
National events had little impact on local customs and administrative organization.
题目分析:
题目释义:
细节题目
考点:
支持主题(Supporting ideas)
旨在考察我们对文章细节的认知
这个题目应该定位在第二段,因为只有那一段讲述了New England和England的条件的不同点。也就肯定会有17世纪英格兰的乡村是什么样子的。
选项分析:
A选项:Correct。乡绅居民有很大的权力。这个题目想要做对必须理解“paternalistic”这个词的意思。家长式的特权当然就是有很大的权力,所以这个选项是正确的。
B选项:教会人员是以他们在社区中的社会地位而选举出来的。这个选项定位在这里“Third, England had an all-embracing state church; in New England membership in a church was restricted to the elect. ”。由这句原文我们发现这个选项说的是New England的情况。
C选项:低人口密度限制了农业和经济的增长。文中提到英格兰人口密度比较低,但是没有说过会限制什么。
D选项:当地的制度从一个地区到另一个地区没有很大的变化。选项在文中没有被直接提到过。
E选项:国家的事件对于当地的习俗和行政组织没有什么影响。文中一直在强调国情对于当地历史和制度的影响。这个选项说反了。如果没有影响,那么作者的第二段一整段都在做无用功。
殖民历史学家大卫-艾伦对十七世纪马萨诸塞州五个社区的深入研究,是在详细的微观层面上进行细致研究的典范,并且在一定程度上令人信服。艾伦认为,英国和殖民地的农业实践和行政组织之间存在着比其他历史学家所建议的更多的一致性和直接连续性。然而,他夸大了他的论点,宣称他已经证明了 "新英格兰地方机构的多样性在很大程度上直接模仿了母国的地区差异"。
这种说法忽略了17世纪英格兰和新英格兰之间的关键差异。首先,英格兰人多地少,渴望土地;新英格兰则人烟稀少,渴望劳动力。第二,英格兰的死亡率与欧洲人一样正常;而新英格兰,尤其是第一代英国殖民者,几乎没有传染病。第三,英格兰有一个包罗万象的国家教会;而在新英格兰,教会成员只限于选民。第四,很大一部分英国村民生活在家长式的常驻乡绅之下;而在新英格兰则不存在这样的阶层。由于将重点缩小到村庄机构,而忽略了这些关键的差异,而格雷文、德莫斯和洛克里奇的研究表明这些差异是非常重要的,艾伦创造了一个有点扭曲的现实图景。
艾伦的工作是十七世纪英国历史的 "乡村社区 "学派的一个相当极端的例子,克莱夫-霍姆斯教授已经揭露了该学派将所有民族问题从该时期的历史中剔除的无礼过激行为。例如,艾伦发现,从东安格利亚来到殖民地的清教徒牧师在1660年之前返回英格兰的可能性是来自英格兰西部和北部的清教徒牧师的三分之一到二分之一,这能得出什么结论?我们没有被告知这一发现以何种方式(如果有的话)照亮了历史理解。地方史研究极大地拓展了我们的视野,但如果作者仅仅因为村庄机构的功能是村庄机构记录所揭示的全部内容,就断定村庄机构是唯一重要的东西,那就错了。
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